The SDF/YPG integration in Syria: Dissolution or new status?

BY AHMET TAŞ | WISE NEWS PRESS 

 ANKARA, TÜRKİYE —  The Turkish political landscape is currently dominated by a singular narrative: the "end of terror" in Syria. This optimism stems from the January 30 agreement signed between the Syrian administration and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF/YPG). While Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) Leader Devlet Bahçeli claims the PKK has vanished and the Syrian map has returned to a "single color," prominent investigative journalist Müyesser Yıldız presents a starkly different and more skeptical analysis of the situation on the ground.

According to Yıldız, the purported "dissolution" of the SDF is being presented as a domestic victory to accelerate the ongoing "process for a terror-free Türkiye," yet the actual terms of the integration suggest that the YPG is gaining a legitimate status within the Syrian state rather than being eliminated.

The "Single-Color" Map vs. The Reality of the "Rojava" Badge

MHP Leader Devlet Bahçeli has argued that the January 30 agreement effectively ends the terrorist presence by integrating SDF/YPG elements into the Syrian National Army. He claimed that terrorists would withdraw from their current lines and a division consisting of three brigades would be formed. However, Yıldız asks a critical question: if the Syrian map has truly returned to a single color, why does the term "Rojava" (Western Kurdistan) continue to be used by the very people Turkey is negotiating with?

Evidence from recent meetings in Qamishli and Hasakah complicates the government's narrative. When a delegation from the Syrian Ministry of Defense met with YPG/SDF representatives, the SDF released a statement referring to themselves as a "command" accepting a "government delegation." More tellingly, during these meetings, the Syrian national flag was placed alongside the SDF banner, which features a map of the so-called "Rojava" region. Yıldız argues that if this were a true dissolution, these symbols of separatism would have been the first things to be removed.

Integration or Partnership? The View from the DEM Party

The domestic political actors involved in the "process," specifically the DEM Party, seem to view the Syrian agreement not as a surrender, but as a victory for Kurdish status. DEM Party Co-Chair Tuncer Bakırhan recently stated that the January 30 agreement is a "guarantee for the security and status of the Kurd."

Bakırhan’s vision for the future of Syria includes the Kurds as partners in the administration, serving as ministers and holding high-ranking positions in the Ministry of Defense. He emphasized that the Kurds would not only govern their own cities in the "Rojava" region but would be active participants in the central government. This perspective is mirrored by Mithat Sancar and other high-ranking PKK/SDF names like Sipan Hemo, who claim they are now "partners" of the Syrian state. This contradicts Ankara's claim that the "Syrian obstacle" has been removed to pave the way for a terror-free Türkiye.

The 1,900 Missing Fighters: Where are the "International Terrorists"?

One of the most alarming aspects of Yıldız’s report concerns the fate of the "international terrorist fighters" previously identified by Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan. A year ago, Fidan issued an ultimatum stating that over 2,000 PKK members from Türkiye, Iran, Iraq, and Europe were managing the SDF structure under the guise of "local" forces. He specifically named figures like Sabri Ok and Fehman Hüseyin (Bahoz Erdal) as the real decision-makers behind Mazlum Abdi.

Current reports suggest that the transition of these fighters is far from complete. According to Al-Monitor, Nechirvan Barzani mediated a deal where Mazlum Kobani (Abdi) agreed to the withdrawal of non-Syrian fighters. However, the numbers remain minuscule compared to Fidan’s earlier estimates. Reports indicate that only about 100 to 110 PKK members have left for the Kandil mountains via the Barzani-controlled northern Iraq region.

This leaves nearly 1,900 experienced militants unaccounted for. Furthermore, London-based Al-Majalla reported that Fehman Hüseyin allegedly used a vast underground tunnel network to leave the region, despite guarantees of safe passage. Yıldız notes the irony: the very people Turkey has labeled as "not representatives of the Kurds" and placed on red-notice lists are now negotiating with global powers and moving freely across borders.

Security vs. Sovereignty: The Hasakah and Qamishli Dilemma

The logistics of the "integration" also raise red flags for regional security. In Hasakah, while the SDF began withdrawing heavy weapons, they were not surrendered to the Syrian state but were simply "withdrawn" to unspecified locations. Meanwhile, at the Qamishli International Airport, negotiations revealed that the "Rojava forces" would continue to provide security, with the Syrian government only opening a "coordination office."

Journalist Müyesser Yıldız concludes that the January 30 agreement is being presented as a "dissolution" merely to facilitate a domestic political opening in Türkiye. While Minister of National Defense Yaşar Güler remains cautious, noting that "a resurgence of terror is not currently visible but not impossible," the political wing of the government is moving forward with the establishment of a "PKK Commission" in Parliament.

Ultimately, the report suggests that while 100 fighters may have moved to the Kandil mountains, the core organizational structure and the "Rojava" ideology remain intact within the Syrian administrative framework. The question remains whether this is a genuine step toward peace or a strategic rebranding of an existing threat.

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